Saudi Arabia and UAE Conducted Covert Strikes on Iranian Territory

Saudi Arabia launched multiple unpublicized strikes on Iran in retaliation for attacks on the kingdom during the broader Middle East war, according to two Western officials and two Iranian officials. The strikes, carried out by the Royal Saudi Air Force, were assessed by Western officials to have taken place in late March. ^[1][2] The attacks mark the first time the kingdom is known to have directly carried out military action on Iranian soil. ^[1][2] Reuters, which first reported the Saudi strikes, was unable to confirm what the specific targets were. ^[1] Neither Riyadh nor Tehran has officially confirmed the operations: a senior Saudi foreign ministry official did not address directly whether strikes had been carried out, and the Iranian foreign ministry did not respond to a request for comment. ^[1][2]

The Saudi action did not occur in isolation. The United Arab Emirates also conducted direct military strikes against Iran, targeting an Iranian refinery in April, according to The Wall Street Journal, which reported that the UAE struck a refinery on Lavan Island in the Persian Gulf, sparking a major fire and crippling the facility's operations. ^[3][4] Iran acknowledged at the time that the refinery had been hit and launched missile and drone strikes against the UAE and Kuwait in retaliation. The United States, according to one source cited by the Journal, did not object and quietly welcomed the UAE's participation. ^[3] Open-source analysts pointed to possible use of French Mirage fighters and Chinese Wing Loong drones, both operated by the UAE military. The Pentagon and the White House declined to comment on the report, while the UAE foreign ministry referred to earlier statements asserting the country's right to respond to hostile acts, including by military means. ^[3][4]

The strikes unfolded against a backdrop of sustained Iranian bombardment of Gulf states. Saudi Arabia, which has a deep military relationship with the United States, has traditionally relied on U.S. military protection, but the 10-week war left the kingdom vulnerable to attacks that pierced the U.S. military umbrella. ^[1][2] During the conflict, Iran launched more than 550 ballistic and cruise missiles and more than 2,200 drones at the UAE, making it the most targeted country in the region. ^[3] The Saudi strikes underscore the widening of a conflict that began when the U.S. and Israel launched airstrikes on Iran on Feb. 28, drawing in the broader Middle East in ways that have not been publicly acknowledged. ^[1][2] The Gulf Cooperation Council's six member states all came under Iranian attack during the campaign. Tehran targeted all six GCC states, disrupting global trade by closing the Strait of Hormuz and launching missiles at civilian sites and oil infrastructure. ^[2]

The two Gulf states pursued markedly different operational and diplomatic strategies. The UAE adopted a more hawkish tone, condemning strikes on its territory as a dangerous escalation and largely freezing public diplomacy with Iran, including closing its embassy in Tehran. Saudi Arabia, by contrast, tried to keep the conflict from spiraling further, maintaining regular contact with Iranian officials, including Iran's ambassador in Riyadh. ^[1][2] The Saudi strikes were preceded by explicit public warnings. At a press conference in Riyadh on March 19, Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan stated that the kingdom "reserved the right to take military actions if deemed necessary." Three days later, Saudi Arabia declared Iran's military attaché and four embassy staff members personae non gratae. ^[1][2] The kingdom reportedly made Tehran aware of the strikes beforehand and maintained regular contact to prevent uncontrolled escalation. ^[1][2]

That dual-track approach produced a de-escalatory result before the wider ceasefire took hold. By the end of March, diplomatic contacts and Saudi threats to take a more hawkish approach led to an understanding to de-escalate. ^[1] From more than 105 drone and missile attacks on Saudi Arabia in the week of March 25-31, the number fell to just over 25 between April 1-6, according to a Reuters tally of Saudi defense ministry statements. ^[1][2] By the final days before the ceasefire, projectiles fired at Saudi Arabia were assessed by Western sources to have originated in Iraq rather than from Iran directly, a signal that Tehran had pulled back while allied militant groups continued operating. ^[1] The informal de-escalation took effect in the week before Washington and Tehran agreed to a ceasefire in their broader conflict on April 7. ^[1][2] One Iranian official confirmed the bilateral understanding, saying the move aimed to "cease hostilities, safeguard mutual interests, and prevent the escalation of tensions." ^[1][2]

The covert operations carry implications that extend beyond the battlefield. Analysts suggest that the Gulf states' willingness to strike Iran themselves, rather than relying on the United States, reflects growing frustration with Washington for leaving regional partners exposed to Iranian retaliation and for lacking a long-term strategy. ^[1] Former Saudi intelligence chief Prince Turki al-Faisal, writing in the Saudi-owned Arab News, offered a carefully worded public accounting of Riyadh's position, noting that the kingdom's leadership had chosen to "endure the pains caused by a neighbor in order to protect the lives and property of its citizens," according to POLITICO [POLITICO]. The comment signals that senior Saudi figures are beginning to shape a public narrative around decisions that official channels have not yet confirmed. Beyond military action, the UAE moved against Iran's financial interests by closing Iranian-linked institutions in Dubai and restricting visas and transit rights for Iranian nationals, and backed U.N. resolutions authorizing the use of force to reopen the Strait of Hormuz. ^[3] Both sets of actions, military and economic, represent a measurable shift in how Gulf monarchies calculate deterrence and security independence in a conflict zone where the U.S. umbrella has shown demonstrable limits.

—